The signing of the Makkah Joint Defence Agreement between Pakistan, Saudi Arabia, and Türkiye is a historic and highly significant development in regional security. Taking place amid the grinding stalemate of the US‑Iran war, the pact signals a decisive shift in regional thinking and a determination by key Muslim states to take ownership of their collective defence.
For Saudi Arabia and other Gulf states, the American defence umbrella has offered little protection. Instead of shielding them, the presence of US military assets has drawn them deeper into the conflict, making them targets for Iranian strikes and attacks by Tehran’s regional allies. Against this backdrop, the trilateral agreement acquires added weight, particularly as it stipulates that an attack on one signatory will be treated as an attack on all.
The leaders of the three nations were visibly confident at the signing ceremony. Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif described the pact as “historic,” while President Recep Tayyip Erdogan emphasised that it remains open to “friendly nations.” Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman’s endorsement further underlined Riyadh’s confidence in the framework. Yet, questions remain about how the pact will function in practice, especially in relation to Iran.
It is important to note that this is not an “Islamic NATO.” Similar initiatives have been attempted before, such as the Islamic Military Counter Terrorism Coalition launched in 2015 under the leadership of former Pakistani army chief Gen Raheel Sharif. That coalition, however, did not evolve into a major operational force. The Makkah pact, by contrast, builds on decades of Pakistani‑Saudi defence collaboration and now formally brings Türkiye into the fold.
Concerns about the pact being perceived as a sectarian or military axis have been addressed. A Saudi deputy minister clarified that the agreement is not intended to establish a bloc or target any particular country. This reassurance is welcome, particularly as an adviser to Iran’s supreme leader has acknowledged that greater cooperation among regional states could contribute to security. Such statements suggest that the pact may not necessarily exacerbate tensions but could, if managed wisely, encourage dialogue.
The real test will come if the US‑Iran war escalates and Tehran resumes attacks on pro‑American Gulf states. In such a scenario, the alliance will need to demonstrate whether it can act as a stabilising force or whether it risks being pulled into confrontation. The hope must be that the pact strengthens deterrence and reduces the likelihood of conflict rather than adding to instability.
Ultimately, alliances of this nature should aim to reduce tensions among Muslim states, not deepen divisions. The US has shown little interest in protecting its Gulf allies despite their massive arms purchases. Regional states must therefore move away from dependence on external powers and commit to non‑aggression against one another. Iran should halt attacks on GCC states, while Gulf governments should prevent foreign forces from using their soil against Tehran. Geography dictates that Arabs and Iranians must coexist; it is far better to work out a modus vivendi for mutual security than to perpetuate hostility.
If managed with sincerity and restraint, the Makkah Joint Defence Agreement has the potential to promote unity within the Muslim world. It should be seen not as a tool of confrontation but as a framework for collective stability, ensuring that regional security is shaped by regional actors themselves.
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